What a debacle: Just 66 days after the formation of your coalition, the CDU/CSU and SPD fail to bring their candidates for the Federal Constitutional Court through the parliament as planned. This has been a novelty since 1949.
After Friedrich Merz, who failed in the first ballot, the German post-war democracy again experienced an unusual disruption on May 6. Is it the harbing of a parliamentary turnaround? That would have to worry.
The embarrassment for the black and red coalition (leading motto: “Responsibility for Germany”) has many fathers. The greatest responsibility lies with Union faction leader Jens Spahn.
Until Thursday, Spahn campaigned for the choice of the controversial SPD candidate Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf. He had one-on-one interviews with faction colleagues and asked them to register a no to Brosius-Gersdorf in the secret election in the plenary.
For days, Union Member of the Bundestag, in confidential talks, announced that they will not vote to Brosius-Gersdorf. They refer to their statements about abortion, but also to the right to vote. They report on angry and warning citizens’ letters primarily from their Christian milieu – by the way: a bulwark against right -wing radicalism.
The SPD had given the Union Group approval for Brosius-Gersdorf in internal discussions. So, unlike in 2008, she waived a veto with the respected constitutional lawyer Horst Dreier or in 1993 at Herta Däubler-Gmelin.
Spahn and Chancellor Friedrich Merz underestimated the enormous resistance in their own ranks. As much ignorance of the soul situation of your own people is as amazing as it is worrying. Didn’t Spahn and Merz always accused Angela Merkel not to know the CDU, not to communicate, not to “take” your own people?
The fact that Merz is involved in foreign policy and that Spahn has to take care of the management of his masking affair is hardly suitable as justification. The settlement choice of constitutional judge, especially the Causa Brosius-Gersdorf, can become a stumbling block for Spahn. An investigation committee on the mask deal becomes more likely.
But the leadership failure is by no means with the Union. The first mistake of a long chain goes back to the SPD. Brosius-Gersdorf was not a suitable candidate for a People’s Party, unlike her colleague Ann-Katrin Kaufhold.
Why did the SPD nominate a lawyer instead of Brosius-Gersdorf who is widespread in the width of society? Why did she start with a woman over whom even SPD people shake her head? Even ex-health minister Ulla Schmidt (SPD), chairwoman of Lebenshilfe, made her concerns public in terms of abortions.
After the initially failed Chancellor election, the SPD parliamentary group, in fact, reveals led by party leader, vice-chancellor and finance minister Lars Klingbeil, lack of tact. The SPD leadership has a pronounced will to power, but a little pronounced ability to use this power wisely.
Incidentally, the narrative, according to which the CDU, the “right” in the Union, would have prevented Brosius-Gersdorf as a progressive woman. The resistance came from all parts and regions of the Union. And: SPD candidate Kaufhold was considered and is considered consensus.
So far, the elections to the constitutional judges, after prior consideration and clarification, have been running smoothly. It is different for the first time on July 11, 2025. After an informal formula, the Union and SPD have the right to propose for three constitutional judges, Greens and FDP for one judge. Union and SPD have to be asked whether this still fits the political landscape.
Instead of cementing the status quo, a self -examination would be appropriate. But the Union and SPD lacks strength and will. Those who want to prevent the erosion of political democracy and to put a stop to the AfD must at least master their craft.
Source: Tagesspiegel

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